Tribune leader, 19 February 1993

On Monday, the Foreign Secretary, Douglas Hurd, told the House of Com­mons that the government’s law offi­cers had advised him – contrary to previ­ous advice – that Labour’s amendment to the Maastricht bill would, if passed, nei­ther bring down the bill nor make the government accept the social chapter.
Labour has rightly condemned the shabbiness of Mr Hurd’s performance. It is quite clear that the government sought legal opinion from the law officers, whose credibility is in tatters after the Matrix-Churchill affair, simply because it faced parliamentary defeat.
The more important question, however, is one of democracy. As well as reporting on his new legal advice, Mr Hurd at­tempted to reassure the Commons that the government had no intention of rati­fying the Maastricht bill “except through the normal parliamentary procedures”. It  would not, in short, use the royal prerog­ative to ignore Parliament.
As Tony Benn has pointed out, the real problem is not whether or not the government is going to ignore the Commons in this particular instance but the very fact that it has powers to do so – powers that will be increased once the Maas­tricht treaty comes into force.
Mr Benn was alluding to two giant “democratic deficits” in our political sys­tem. First, the creaking British constitu­tion allows the government to get away with far too much. Secondly, the EC set­tlement reached at Maastricht, giving pride of place in the EC’s political struc­tures to the (intergovernmental) Council of Ministers, gives governments even more unaccountable power.
Mr Benn believes that the way to deal with this unaccountable power is to reassert the powers of national parliaments over governments and to scupper Maas­tricht.
He is right on the first point but wrong on the second.
The time when nation states of the size of those in the EC were capable of run­ning independent economic policies is long since gone. If there is to be any pos­sibility of the countries of Europe controlling their own economic destinies, economic policy will have to operate at European level. We need European eco­nomic union. The key question is how we make it accountable.
National parliaments are wholly inade­quate to the task. With or without Maas­tricht, so is the European Parliament. But the European Parliament at least has the potential to become a body that can ade­quately control EC executive bodies. Bet­ter still, it could become a parliament from which a federal EC executive is drawn and to which it is accountable. This week’s Tory manoeuvring gives Labour the opportunity to spell out a vi­sion of a democratic federal Europe. It should seize it with alacrity.
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